The controversy over the NSA terrorist surveillance program may actually have some connection to the current composition of the Court as it stands right now.
Recall that nearly a year and a half ago White House Legal Counsel Harriet Miers withdrew her nomination. The reasons given for her nomination were quite vague. While many speculated that she did not want to participate in a confirmation process which would cause both political parties much anguish, there was also one other factor. A quick read of her letter withdrawing her name from the nomination process sheds light on the fact that the White House may have been trying to prevent the public from perusing confidential documents, perhaps regarding the NSA terrorist surveillance program. The text of her letter reads:
Dear Mr. President:
I write to withdraw as a nominee to serve as an associate justice on the Supreme Court of the United States. I have been greatly honored and humbled by the confidence that you have shown in me, and have appreciated immensely your support and the support of many others. However, I am concerned that the confirmation process presents a burden for the White House and our staff that is not in the best interest of the country.
As you know, members of the Senate have indicated their intention to seek documents about my service in the White House in order to judge whether to support me. I have been informed repeatedly that in lieu of records, I would be expected to testify about my service in the White House to demonstrate my experience and judicial philosophy. While I believe that my lengthy career provides sufficient evidence for consideration of my nomination, I am convinced the efforts to obtain Executive Branch materials and information will continue.
As I stated in my acceptance remarks in the Oval Office, the strength and independence of our three branches of government are critical to the continued success of this great nation. Repeatedly in the course of the process of confirmation for nominees for other positions, I have steadfastly maintained that the independence of the Executive Branch be preserved and its confidential documents and information not be released to further a confirmation process. I feel compelled to adhere to this position, especially related to my own nomination. Protection of the prerogatives of the Executive Branch and continued pursuit of my confirmation are in tension. I have decided that seeking my confirmation should yield.
I share your commitment to appointing judges with a conservative judicial philosophy, and I look forward to continuing to support your efforts to provide the American people judges who will interpret the law, not make it. I am most grateful for the opportunity to have served your administration and this country.
Most respectfully,
Harriet Ellan Miers
While there is no conclusive proof of what these documents were, it remains interesting to speculate that these documents contain secrets about the NSA terrorist surveillance program.
Saturday, June 23, 2007
Composition of the Court & the NSA Terrorist Surveillance Program
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Pearson as a Symbol of Increasing Litigiousness in American Society
D.C. administrative law judge, Roy Pearson, is giving lawyers and jurists alike a bad name. If lawyers--who may eventually become judges--didn't already have enough of a bad name already, Pearson is taking the reputation of jurists down to a new historically low level.
According to a June 21st ABC report on the pants lawsuit saga that is currently clogging our overloaded judicial system (with which Pearson should himself be familiar and therefore should be ashamed of clogging it even more with useless lawsuits), Pearson broke down in tears during his testimony detailing the traumatic events of losing his pants. ABC reports:
A Washington, D.C. law judge broke down in tears and had to take a break from his testimony because he became too emotional while questioning himself about his experience with a missing pair of pants....
But as he explained the details of the missing pants, Pearson struggled to get through his hour and a half of testimony, most of which concerned his credentials and his background.
He became visibly emotional when he reached the point in the story where he confronted Soo Chung from the dry cleaning store.
"These are not my pants,'' he testified yesterday, telling her "I have in my adult life, with one exception, never worn pants with cuffs."
But Chung insisted, Pearson testified.
"These are your pants."
Pearson rushed from the courtroom, tears streaming down his face.
Poor Pearson.
Pearson's case really represents only the tip of the iceberg in an increasingly litigious American society. According to Professor Robert Kagan in his piece entitled American Adversarialism, the number of cases being appealed today is about fifteen times that of the number in 1960--an increase of nearly 1500% in appeals.
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Tuesday, June 12, 2007
No New Jurisprudence in Enemy Combatant Decision
While much has been made of the decision of the 4th Circuit Court of Appeals to curtail powers of the president to declare civilians "enemy combatants" and hold them indefinitely without trial, the Court of Appeals appears to only affirm what the USSC decided in Hamdi v. Rumsfeld (2004). Justice O'Connor wrote:
While we accord the greatest respect and consideration to the judgments of military authorities in matters relating to the actual prosecution of a war, and recognize that the scope of that discretion necessarily is wide, it does not infringe on the core role of the military for the courts to exercise their own time-honored and constitutionally mandated roles of reviewing and resolving claims like those presented here. Cf. Korematsu v. United States, 323 U. S. 214, 233–234 (1944) (Murphy, J., dissenting) ("[L]ike other claims conflicting with the asserted constitutional rights of the individual, the military claim must subject itself to the judicial process of having its reasonableness determined and its conflicts with other interests reconciled"); Sterling v. Constantin, 287 U. S. 378, 401 (1932) ("What are the allowable limits of military discretion, and whether or not they have been overstepped in a particular case, are judicial questions").
In sum, while the full protections that accompany challenges to detentions in other settings may prove unworkable and inappropriate in the enemy-combatant setting, the threats to military operations posed by a basic system of independent review are not so weighty as to trump a citizen’s core rights to challenge meaningfully the Government’s case and to be heard by an impartial adjudicator.
Indeed, the 4th Circuit's decision (oddly enough one which was overturned in the Hamdi case) falls in line with the Court's reasoning approximately 3 years ago. Indefinite detention of so-called "enemy combatants" is unconstitutional and unsound use of governmental power.
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Labels: Courts of Appeal, O'Connor, presidency, terrorism
Monday, June 11, 2007
Wrong Issue Addressed in Caretaker Agency Case
Today's decision by the USSC to uphold the Department of Labor's interpretation of a 1974 Fair Labor Standards Amendment lacks the right frame of reference. The Department's interpretation of the Fair Standards Amendment is that it exempted caretakers contracted in the home from minimum wage and maximum hour rules of the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938. What this essentially means is that this subset of caretakers are subject to the whims of the labor agency contracting them. Caretakers can be paid anything and can be required to work as many hours, without being paid overtime by the contracting agency.
A caretaker who was contracted to the home sued her employment agency for refusing to pay her for her overtime work. This raises, what should have been the appropriate frame for viewing the case: due process of law. Although this was not the question before the Court when they decided this case, the interpretation of the law comes into conflict with this basic right guaranteed by the 14th Amendment. Section 1 of the 14th Amendment reads:
Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside. No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
The caretaker lost her compensation for the hours she worked overtime and thus was deprived of property that was rightfully hers. While the Court finds that the process of creating the law was within reason and that the Department of Labor could interpret the FLSA amendment in such a way as to exclude caretakers from the regulations imposed by the FLSA, the law itself should not be constitutionally sound. It is really that question which the USSC failed to answer in its opinion and should have been the framing of the issue in the case.
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Life Appointment of Justices
Life appointment of the justices sitting on the USSC--as long as they behave well--has raised many concerns. The concerns range from certain presidents having more control over the political ideology of the Court to justices staying on the job far after their health has compromised their capacity to do the job.
The justice which currently comes to mind is CJ Rehnquist. Although he was clearly battling (and losing the battle) against thyroid cancer he remained steadfast in his desire to stay on the Court till his dying day. Concerns over the health and well-being of the justice have prompted some scholars such as James E. DiTullio and John B. Schochet to call for a constitutional amendment: give justices 18 year non-renewable terms on the Court instead of life appointment.
In their article: Saving This Honorable Court: A Proposal to Replace Life Tenure on the Supreme Court with Non-renewable Eighteen Year Terms argue that this amendment will be beneficial since it will reduce the influence of one president on the Court, the influence of age on the choice of nominees (who may lack the appropriate experience if too young) and the desire of justices to stay on the Court past their prime.
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Labels: constitutional amendment, life tenure